Henry Dampier

On the outer right side of history

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February 18, 2015 by henrydampier 6 Comments

Tip for Writers: No One Cares About You

As a writer, it’s easy to be lured into identifying yourself with your work. To some extent, it’s important to take pride in your work, so that you feel compelled to  make it as good as possible. At a more basic level, though, the writer should be aware that he is not his work, and his work is not him. When someone praises or criticizes the work, it can never really be personal praise or criticism.

For writers, even with a long and well established reputation, they are mostly only as good as their last book or their last column. Readers may give a writer a short grace period depending on the reputation of the writer, but otherwise, their relationship to the writer is similar to that of a diner to a chef at a restaurant. If the chef cooks well, the diner loves the chef. If the chef fucks up, the diner becomes pissed off at the chef and the entire waitstaff besides, unless he has been a loyal customer for a long time.

Readers will tend to think that they know a writer because they have come to be familiar with expressions of that writer’s mind. And it is a good way indeed to get to know how someone thinks. But it is not the same as getting to know and love the person, but this is easy to misunderstand, especially for writers who have never experienced the stress of popularity.

Love for the person’s writing is not the same as love for the person. Those writing simply to earn what they think is adoration are doomed to be disappointed, because people can only adore what they can see, and if all they see are the words, that is what they come to adore, rather than the person writing them.

So, in this, the writer can only be successful insomuch as he elevates his reader. Writing to fill a deficit of love or friendship rarely works because the writer is simply another vendor in the life of the reader, and the relationship, while it may be warm, is not the same as a more intimate or friendly one.

It’s easy to mistake readers for friends. Friends may be readers and readers may be friends, but the groups are usually separate from one another, especially as the readers multiply.

This is one of the reasons why personal writing is such an unhappy practice, and why it is so popular among publishers these days. There are countless writers eager to pitch their personal essays, and editors are happy to publish them to provide the illusion of intimacy within their publications. It is cheap to commission the articles, and provides lonely people with a sense of connection that would otherwise be absent from their lives.

It also promotes the egalitarian notion that even regular people ought to publish autobiographies, rather than just the great and the good. Some of the most popular personal essays of today tend to be written by the mediocre and depraved. Websites like Salon and Huffington Post deal in this sort of material on a daily basis.

Yet it is entirely possible to publish a deeply personal memoir, give hundreds of thousands of people the illusion of intimacy, but to create no real connections at all. The author can step into a party held in their honor, meet dozens of strangers who claim to know the author and to have been touched in a profound way by her works, and then all of them can return home from the party afterwards, no more familiar with one another than they had been before meeting, either in text or in person.

This image has a tendency to overpower the impression left by the real person, and people incapable of discriminating between the two often find themselves in sad entanglements as a result.

This is the typical farce of fame, not rising to the level of tragedy because it’s so silly. What’s famous can only be an image or a glimpse of a person, and the shallow worship of millions of that image can never substitute for the true fidelity of a few.

Knowing this, writers should know that they are only as good as their service to the reader. The reader owes the author nothing but the purchase price of the book, and his attention is freely given, his praise freely withdrawn, or turned to scorn. To the extent that the work elevates the life of the reader is the extent to which it is good work. An architect leaves something of himself in his buildings, and a writer leaves a sliver of himself in his work, but the architect is not the building and the writer is not the writing.

To reiterate the title, almost no one cares about you, the writer. The depth of the indifference that your readers feel for you, if you truly knew it, might drive you to despair if you attached your sense of self-worth to it.

They care about what you can do for them. To the extent that you care about doing all you can for them is the extent to which they might choose to care about your interests, and not a jot more.

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Filed Under: Rhetoric

February 17, 2015 by henrydampier 1 Comment

Social Matter Column: “The Cultivation of Political Hatred”

This piece about political hatred and injustice came out well.

Cultivating political hatred requires a concerted, calculated effort, expended over an extended period of time. When executed properly, the target of the hate campaign comes to be held up as the perpetrator of all the great crimes of history, all the recent crimes which have happened nearby, all of the recent political reversals of the state, and even the petty personal hurts felt by the ordinary people.

When the state is weak, and the people come to suffer injustice, it’s natural for hatreds to develop among the people. When the laws are muddled, inconsistent, and unjust, injustice goes unpunished, unanswered, and unacknowledged. The people who believe themselves to be wronged then begin to seek justice for themselves, and to persuade other people to accept their competing ideal of justice, because the state is no longer capable of maintaining a set of laws which all the citizens are willing to obey.

Head on over to read the whole thing.

Social Matter usually publishes Monday through Friday. It’s also started producing a new podcast called Ascending the Tower that you can use to replace NPR during at least some of your commutes.

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Filed Under: Admin

February 17, 2015 by henrydampier 40 Comments

What Makes Someone #Conservakin

You may be familiar with the concept of otherkin — people who identify as at least partially nonhuman. For example, if they believe that, spiritually, they are part cow, they might call themselves “cowkin,” and take to chewing on grass while they are writing the latest chapter in their fan fiction epic. A “dogkin” might wear a false tail, or punctuate their speech with dog-like sound effects, which would be funny behavior in a 5-year-old, but tends to be disturbing in an adult.

My suggestion is that modern American conservatives are engaging in this activity in a similar, more mainstream way with their adoption of a conservative identity. They are conservakin,  and you can find them in large numbers contributing to hashtags like top conservatives on Twitter or in the comment sections at websites like Free Republic.

Conservakin love to do things like:

  • Praise the constitution.
  • Worship pretty, clean-cut looking women posing with rifles, like suburban Athenas.
    • You also see this in some more recent contexts with wild, semi-chaste praise for the (disastrous for the IDF) female Israeli soldiers and female Kurdish fighters.
  • They are more fond of Israel and Jews than most reform Jews themselves, despite being Christians of indeterminate denomination themselves.
  • Hold more radically integrationist and equality-minded positions about Civil Rights than Malcolm X.
  • Build group cohesion by criticizing minor democratic politicians vehemently.
  • Take their cues from the agendas set by the producers at Fox News, whose agendas are in turn set by the wire services like the AP, Reuters, the NYT, the ones operated by different government-bureaucratic organs, and other liberal institutions.
  • Becomes very engaged in national primaries and elections, and on occasion more local ones.
  • Develop strong feelings about the current president, along with various marginal figures in the president’s administration.
    • They become fascinated by the relationships between various minor functionaries of the American government, along with what they perceive to be scandals and abuses of power.

Now that some of the snide contempt is out of the way, let us praise the conservakin as being a better person than the typical American. They will generally be more affluent (it’s what gives them time to post all those patriotic material and photos of themselves posing with expensive outdoor gear), harder-working, and more oriented towards family than the typical internet liberal.

What makes conservakin harder to reach with a more substantive message is that they are less involved in politics for the substance, and more for the surface appearance — they do it for social reasons. There is also the character-driven pageant aspect to their pseudo-political enthusiasm.

Much like a pigkin can never actually become a pig, a conservakin can never possess an authentic conservative essence, because the American political form is a profoundly liberal one.

The Alaskan Athena
The Alaskan Athena

Since their chosen political methods are entirely based on a sort of pantomime, entirely outside the actual structure of government, their political influence can be sealed off within the world of speech, prevented from influencing the actions of the state.

Further, the political leaders who were more authentically conservative were systematically suppressed in multiple waves coinciding with World War I, the New Deal, World War II, the Civil Rights / Great Society era, and then in repeated suppression actions leading up to the contemporary practice of the social-media-witch-hunt.

The Old Right left behind only vestigial supporters because the old right was successfully removed from influence, and replaced with a more docile, controlled opposition.

It is, in fact, common to find American conservatives who believe that President F.D. Roosevelt was a conservative, and that everything that happened during the New Deal ought to be praised by conservatives. It’s nearly universal for conservatives to venerate the socialist Martin Luther King. Some of the leading conservakin may venture to attack Woodrow Wilson, but in a piecemeal fashion.

The great progressive projects of the 20th century tend to be praised almost universally by modern conservakin. To the extent that liberals of today are criticized, it is that they are threatening the great progressive programs instituted by Wilson, the later Roosevelt, and Johnson. It is not that American conservakin oppose the idea of the Great Society — they just become incensed when the implementation of the Great Society isn’t matching up to the ideal.

Conservakin experience tension when their emotions contradict the political commitments required by their chosen identity. Emotionally, they may oppose open immigration. But they are politically committed to the idea, affirmed by the Johnson administration, that America is a proposition nation. Intellectually, they’re disarmed, because of their beliefs about universal availability of full citizenship. They can only counter new immigration initiatives with a mass emotion-driven outburst, threatening to unseat politicians.

Unfortunately for the conservakin, most legislators have minuscule authority. The party leadership is entirely subordinated to the permanent bureaucracy, which has real legal authority, whereas the legislators only have the legal pretense of the right to perform oversight. Despite the oversight pseudo-powers, legislators have limited capability to actually bring down consequences upon the bureaucrats.

This method of rage-voting is easily countered by just violating the law, ignoring the Constitution. Most Americans have a broken mental model of the American state. This model mostly ignores the enormous, disproportionate power accorded to the permanent bureaucracy. This broken model is only reinforced by the media companies which generate the conservakin identity and reap profits from it each day.

To the extent that conservakin tie their identity and feel a sense of control from their ability to rally votes and shift public opinion is the extent to which they are politically neutralized by the progressive state. To the extent that they focus on personalities rather than institutions is the extent to which those institutions can be preserved and nurtured, despite being inimical to broader conservative goals.

Since the conservakin identity is downstream from the political marketers who manufacture it, it’s better to run interference on the latter, smaller, professional group than it is to try to argue with the masses. Shouting at the crowd is like punching the ocean in the hopes of knocking Neptune unconscious.

Top Conservatives On Parthenon
Top Conservatives On Parthenon

The pitch is ultimately to convince more local leaders to swap the pretense of power over the world for real power over a smaller territory and population.

For the average conservakin, it is the return of authority to their household at the cost of the vicarious feeling of being part of a political ‘superpower.’ For more local politicians, it’s swapping access to the national pig-trough for real authority over their own patch.

Until this changes, the 125 million Americans who identify as conservative will remain wedded to a manufactured identity which is as deluded as those of Tumblrites who believe that they share a soul with a neon-colored pony.

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